“La sovranità sul Kosovo spetta alla Serbia. Quella terra fa parte integrante del nostro Paese. E’ la terra dei nostri avi. E’ there there are monuments of our religion. It 'a land that will always remain an inalienable part of our territory. We will not step back and will never accept Kosovo's trade with the opportunity to become EU members. " Thus says Vojislav Kostunica, Prime Minister of Serbia, once again presenting itself as a strong leader and effectively and respond - in the midst of a real emergency situation - with the principles that the Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice launched by Moscow. It 's you, in fact, to proclaim that "the province which is so much talk, no longer part of Serbia." And to soften the U.S. position about then - come è nelle migliori tradizioni dell’arroganza americana – di una “indipendenza kosovara sorvegliata”… Ma Kostunica, interpretando i sentimenti dell’intera Serbia e del mondo slavo, non fa passi indietro, pur comprendendo che Belgrado è sotto assedio. Cerca quindi di uscire dallo stallo e da una possibile paralisi. Ha già in tasca una vittoria che non è da sottovalutare e che gli consente di alzare il tiro.
Tutto questo in seguito al fatto che il nuovo Governo da lui guidato ha ottenuto la fiducia del Parlamento con 133 voti su 250 sfuggendo, di conseguenza, all’eventualità di nuove elezioni che avrebbero fornito motivi di rinvio anche sulla questione kosovara. Ora la nuova training that will lead the country is more stable because it is supported by the so-called "democratic bloc" and specifically the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) - whose leader is the same Kostunica - Democratic Party (DS) which is President Boris Tadic of the Republic and the group "G-17 Plus" which is the alliance between the forces of civil society at the time constituted in political education and is guided former Finance Minister Mladjan Dinkic.
Kostunica entrusts to the new national seated in Belgrade its strong response to the Americans. Stresses that one of its priorities is the preservation of Kosovo under the Serbian sovereignty, even at the cost of slowing down what is one of its main objectives, namely with the European Union. All the talk of the Serbian leader moves on the line of those positions that Moscow has also thrown in the face of Rice in recent days. The Kremlin has insisted, in fact, that the Kosovo Russia will not ever vote in favor of a resolution of the Security Council based on the level of Finnish Aktisaari, can not be accepted as a unilateral plan that has all the flavor of a "trap" policy against Belgrade. Russia and Serbia, then, are more united than ever witnessing increased integration, at least at the level of strategy geopolitics.
The issues at stake, however, are considerable and not easy to solve. In Kosovo, the situation does not meet safety standards and the status of refugees is still tragic. They ignored the requests of the UN base (respecting the rights of national minorities) as well as many other problems. It should be noted also that the Kosovo Albanians were never disarmed. Discuss a blank document content - such as those presented to the examination of Serbia and the international community - means, in Russia, only to lose time. If you are going to open a "serious debate", Moscow would be ready to enter into negotiations rule-based diplomacy, valid for both Albanians and the Serbs.
Russia, however, gambling risk of getting lost in the labyrinths of realpolitik. Weighs on the whole story the relationship with Chechnya. Why are many - the UN and the world of diplomatic observers - to produce a parallel between the position of the Caucasian republic of Kosovo and the region. In both cases - they say - it's claims relating to a total independence from Moscow and Grozny Pristina from Belgrade.
But the Russians on this comparison of soil move with extreme caution. And in this case agreed with Rice's statement that Kosovo is that of a special history because there are special conditions related to the history of the former Yugoslavia. " Moscow does not learn to accept that the Chechen rebels might be linked with the policy of Russia in the Caucasus: "No region - Moscow says diplomacy - can be detached from the motherland. This new risk and fearful conflict. New and tragic past. " And then: Kosovo with Belgrade, Grozny to Moscow. And even in this case we can say that there is nothing new.
The geopolitics of the Balkans requires other considerations. How, in fact, imagine a Serb-run Kosovo as the territory live more than two million Kosovar Albanians? And here, therefore, that the use of historical principles (those of the last century) does not provide valid answers because we are always in situations of cohabitation impossible. So much so that the students of Belgrade, Pristina and Tirana, following the events in Kosovo as a track and having past history, note that according to the principles that you would like to put in place today, Transylvania, for example, would be the territory of Hungary, the Baltic Sea lies with Russia The fall in the region of Bosnia and Istria in Italy. The Vojvodina would still be part of Hungary. Why, instead, the Vojvodina in its history was part of the Serbian state? The decision to annex it to Serbia (ie former Yugoslavia) was taken twice by the then Serb minority, both times, without the participation of other peoples, then a majority in Vojvodina, namely German and Hungarian . Only after two settlements, and after a total exodus of Germans and Hungarians from Vojvodina, the region became a province with a Serb majority ... It is now at risk of developing litigation, trying to separate fact from opinion, would lead to reopening of Europe Today the Balkan question, with diplomatic and military factors that can not be predicted.
Fragile and uncertain and therefore the Serbian policy of these hours. Kostunica will need to build the history of his country which has always been riven by infighting. Will therefore have to bring all his pragmatism and his proverbial caution. But it will need - this is the crux - to find allies in Europe. Why is Moscow's political support today is no longer sufficient.
by altrenotizie.org
Tutto questo in seguito al fatto che il nuovo Governo da lui guidato ha ottenuto la fiducia del Parlamento con 133 voti su 250 sfuggendo, di conseguenza, all’eventualità di nuove elezioni che avrebbero fornito motivi di rinvio anche sulla questione kosovara. Ora la nuova training that will lead the country is more stable because it is supported by the so-called "democratic bloc" and specifically the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) - whose leader is the same Kostunica - Democratic Party (DS) which is President Boris Tadic of the Republic and the group "G-17 Plus" which is the alliance between the forces of civil society at the time constituted in political education and is guided former Finance Minister Mladjan Dinkic.
Kostunica entrusts to the new national seated in Belgrade its strong response to the Americans. Stresses that one of its priorities is the preservation of Kosovo under the Serbian sovereignty, even at the cost of slowing down what is one of its main objectives, namely with the European Union. All the talk of the Serbian leader moves on the line of those positions that Moscow has also thrown in the face of Rice in recent days. The Kremlin has insisted, in fact, that the Kosovo Russia will not ever vote in favor of a resolution of the Security Council based on the level of Finnish Aktisaari, can not be accepted as a unilateral plan that has all the flavor of a "trap" policy against Belgrade. Russia and Serbia, then, are more united than ever witnessing increased integration, at least at the level of strategy geopolitics.
The issues at stake, however, are considerable and not easy to solve. In Kosovo, the situation does not meet safety standards and the status of refugees is still tragic. They ignored the requests of the UN base (respecting the rights of national minorities) as well as many other problems. It should be noted also that the Kosovo Albanians were never disarmed. Discuss a blank document content - such as those presented to the examination of Serbia and the international community - means, in Russia, only to lose time. If you are going to open a "serious debate", Moscow would be ready to enter into negotiations rule-based diplomacy, valid for both Albanians and the Serbs.
Russia, however, gambling risk of getting lost in the labyrinths of realpolitik. Weighs on the whole story the relationship with Chechnya. Why are many - the UN and the world of diplomatic observers - to produce a parallel between the position of the Caucasian republic of Kosovo and the region. In both cases - they say - it's claims relating to a total independence from Moscow and Grozny Pristina from Belgrade.
But the Russians on this comparison of soil move with extreme caution. And in this case agreed with Rice's statement that Kosovo is that of a special history because there are special conditions related to the history of the former Yugoslavia. " Moscow does not learn to accept that the Chechen rebels might be linked with the policy of Russia in the Caucasus: "No region - Moscow says diplomacy - can be detached from the motherland. This new risk and fearful conflict. New and tragic past. " And then: Kosovo with Belgrade, Grozny to Moscow. And even in this case we can say that there is nothing new.
The geopolitics of the Balkans requires other considerations. How, in fact, imagine a Serb-run Kosovo as the territory live more than two million Kosovar Albanians? And here, therefore, that the use of historical principles (those of the last century) does not provide valid answers because we are always in situations of cohabitation impossible. So much so that the students of Belgrade, Pristina and Tirana, following the events in Kosovo as a track and having past history, note that according to the principles that you would like to put in place today, Transylvania, for example, would be the territory of Hungary, the Baltic Sea lies with Russia The fall in the region of Bosnia and Istria in Italy. The Vojvodina would still be part of Hungary. Why, instead, the Vojvodina in its history was part of the Serbian state? The decision to annex it to Serbia (ie former Yugoslavia) was taken twice by the then Serb minority, both times, without the participation of other peoples, then a majority in Vojvodina, namely German and Hungarian . Only after two settlements, and after a total exodus of Germans and Hungarians from Vojvodina, the region became a province with a Serb majority ... It is now at risk of developing litigation, trying to separate fact from opinion, would lead to reopening of Europe Today the Balkan question, with diplomatic and military factors that can not be predicted.
Fragile and uncertain and therefore the Serbian policy of these hours. Kostunica will need to build the history of his country which has always been riven by infighting. Will therefore have to bring all his pragmatism and his proverbial caution. But it will need - this is the crux - to find allies in Europe. Why is Moscow's political support today is no longer sufficient.
by altrenotizie.org
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